
he year 1998 was tumultuous for many segments of the health care system. This
essay covers four key developments that are likely to lead to profound changes:
- After four years of extremely low rates of increase, health care costs grew more
rapidly in 1998, and health insurance premium increases for 1999 are likely to
grow by an even greater margin.
- Many physician organizations experienced problems with their attempts to take on
financial risk and related care management responsibilities.
- The backlash against managed care seems to have intensified as stronger measures
to provide consumer protection appeared on the legislative agenda and more loosely
managed products gained in popularity.
- In Medicare, policy makers were dealing with both unexpected impacts of the
Balanced Budget Act of 1997 (BBA) and discussions of long-term reform to the program.
he year was frustrating to many, especially to those whose vision of
the future of health care delivery includes provider organizations or
health plans using systems and an evidence-based approach to improving
quality. Financial pressures and a backlash against managed care made
it that much more
difficult for organizations to pursue such a vision.
The perspectives expressed here about the past year are informed by a
variety of sources. I drew upon our second round of site visits to the
12 communities we are tracking intensively. We were surprised at the
amount of organizational change between 1996-1997 and 1998-1999 visits.
Conferences sponsored
by HSC and other organizations have deepened our understanding of some
issues, especially physician organizations. The press, which is increasingly
covering events in different health care markets, is another source I found
useful. Formal and informal discussions with policy makers were also quite
valuable. Finally, after choosing the four topics, I conducted interviews
with individuals who are experts in these areas.
Cost Trends
ineteen ninety-eight was
marked by experts frequently commenting that
the period of low cost increases had come to an end. But in discussing
cost trends, it is important to discern whether the experts are commenting
on private health insurance premiums, payments to providers by private
insurers (referred to here as the underlying costs of private insurance)
or national health expenditures.
In fact, private health insurance premiums in 1998 increased 3.3 percent,
according to KPMG Peat Marwick data, and substantially higher increases
are expected for 1999 premiums. Underlying costs also increased in 1998-about
two percentage points more than in 1997, as estimated by Milliman & Robertson.
Even more important was the perception that the health insurance underwriting
cycle had turned. After three to four years in which premium increases had been
smaller than increases in under- lying costs, I believe that there are clear
signs that insurers will be raising 1999 premiums more rapidly
than underlying costs will increase.
Although the media had carried predictions of large premium surges for 1997
and 1998-which did not occur-forecasts of a surge for 1999 are more likely
to be on the mark because of changes in insurer behavior. In the early to
mid-1990s, health insurance had been highly profitable as a result of
unexpected declines in the rate of growth of costs. Insurers responded
to this by aggressively entering new markets and seeking to gain dominant
positions. In many site visit interviews conducted by HSC
in 1995, insurers lamented how competitors were setting premiums below
costs when entering markets.
In contrast, in 1998, insurers were responding to years of underwriting
losses by abandoning
geographic and product markets where the prospects for near-term
profitability were uncertain.
Media reports throughout the year told of prominent insurers exiting
selected markets. Although the biggest headlines focused on withdrawals
from Medicare and Medicaid markets, plans withdrew from commercial
markets as well. With capital leaving the health insurance industry,
conditions are ripe for price increases in excess of the increase in
underlying costs.
As this essay goes to press, the only systematic estimate of 1999
premium increases is for large
corporations. According to Towers Perrin, the largest employers
experienced a 7 percent increase in
1999, compared with 4 percent in 1998. As of mid-year, underlying
cost increases were driven by
spending for pharmaceuticals, according to Milliman & Robertson.
The 14.1 percent increase in
pharmaceutical spending per person for 1998 is dramatically higher
than the 1.0 percent decrease in inpatient hospital services and
the 8.2 percent and 4.6 percent increases in outpatient hospital and
physician services, respectively.
The rapid growth in pharmaceutical spending is likely attributable
to the more rapid rate of new drug introductions and increased
marketing efforts, especially those aimed at consumers. Health
plans and purchasers are now focusing their cost-containment
efforts on pharmaceuticals. In many cases, health plans have
had mechanisms available to limit pharmacy spending, such as
formularies, but employers have not pursued those approaches.
Now, there is increasing interest in using consumer
incentives to favor generic and brand-name drugs that are in a
formulary. Some believe that putting physicians at risk for
pharmaceutical spending is the most effective cost-containment
strategy, but the rapid and unpredictable increases in spending
have led physician organizations to resist taking risk
for these services.
"We've seen the best and the worst of times in terms of costs-the worst
in the late '80s and early '90s, and the best right after the demise of
health reform. My sense is that we'll see
neither of these extremes in the future."
Kenneth E. Thorpe, Tulane University
Physician Organizations
hysician
organizations-many of which were formed to gain leverage
with managed care plans and to reclaim clinical autonomy-experienced
a great deal of upheaval in 1998 as financial pressures and management
problems mounted. High-profile failures of prominent national physician
practice management companies (PPMCs) captured widespread attention and
had ripple effects in local markets. Meanwhile, many locally based
physician organizations, such as large group practices, independent
practice associations (IPAs) and physician-hospital organizations
(PHOs), struggled.
One of the greatest obstacles for many physician organizations was
that the market did not develop as expected. Capitated arrangements
did not flourish as anticipated in many communities, in part because
health plans, in response to purchaser and consumer demand, increasingly
offered more loosely managed products that are less amenable to capitation.
Another factor was the reluctance of some health plans to delegate
responsibility for care management to provider organizations and
providers' unwillingness to accept financial risk without this enhanced role.
Physician organizations appear to have fared the worst in markets
with a history of capitation. Costs grew more rapidly than anticipated
as providers and plans sought to accommodate demand for more loosely
managed products and to respond to state patient protection legislation.
Unexpectedly rapid growth of pharmacy costs also contributed to this trend.
Under capitated arrangements, physician organizations were financially liable
for these cost increases and struggled in vain to outpace mounting losses.
This problem was most pronounced in Orange County, Calif., one of HSC's
sites, where many physician organizations had signed multi-year contracts
tying payment rates to premiums rather than costs.
Physician organizations faced internal problems as well. The issue of
physician productivity became rampant as physicians made the transition
from being owners to being salaried employees. Notoriously independent-minded,
many physicians bristled under the management of their new organizations.
Perhaps most disconcerting was physician organizations' difficulty in developing
the infrastructure necessary to manage financial risk and streamline and improve
clinical care delivery. These advances were viewed as the great promise of physician
organizations, particularly publicly traded PPMCs. However, market observers now
contend that PPMC leadership gave too much attention to acquisition of practices at
the expense of activities such as information support. As a result, the value provided to
practices in the form of management and infrastructure was not sufficient to justify
the overhead.
Does all this mean that physician organizations are not long for this world? I do
not believe this to be the case. Physician income remains under pressure, as health
plans continue to seek discounts, and Medicare fees-commonly used as a benchmark for
physician payment-have been on the decline,
especially for procedural-based specialists.
This downward pressure on fees means that physicians will continue to look toward
organizations to help them gain negotiating leverage. Indeed, many single-specialty
groups or IPAs have emerged in response. Increasingly, physicians, hospitals and
health plans across markets appear to be coming to the conclusion that what
physician practices need-information systems to manage risk-can be purchased
from vendors. Medical services organizations (MSOs), which provide management
services to physicians but do not own practices, have been around for some time,
but were overlooked at a time when vertical integration seemed promising. Now
this model is becoming increasingly attractive. Entrepreneurial MSOs are
becoming more prominent, especially in California, and in many markets,
PHOs are reinventing themselves as MSOs that provide this more targeted
function for physicians.
"The most appropriate manager of care is a physician, not an insurance company,
and physician organizations need to figure out how to harness this. Doctors can
integrate information about a patient's care and know the optimal time to
prescribe a drug or have a patient hospitalized."
J.D. Kleinke, Health Strategic Network, Inc.
"What's emerged out of all of this carnage and chaos in physician organizations is a more rational approach to surviving in a capitated environment. The leading physician organizations are
redoubling their commitment to managing capitation by purchasing services such as
information and accounting systems."
Alan Hoops, Pacificare
Managed Care Backlash
he backlash against managed care-and reactions to the backlash in the
public and private
sectors-seemed to intensify in 1998. If one compares the current
Democratic bills in Congress with the recommendations of the
President's Advisory Commission on Consumer Protection and
Quality in the Health Care Industry in 1997, the difference
is striking, even allowing for the fact that the latter was
an attempt to reflect a consensus. The Democratic bill gives
patients the right to sue health plans and prohibits plans from
arbitrarily interfering with medically necessary or appropriate care.
An important factor behind the managed care backlash is that many
employees are not offered
a choice of an unmanaged product. I wrote about this last year in our
annual report, and many have agreed with that assessment. The media
also are fueling the backlash, and scholarly literature is now
documenting the media's role.
Consistent with this perspective, the 1998-1999 HSC site visits suggest
that the backlash is a national
phenomenon, fueled in part by the national media, and that there is a
remarkably uniform agenda on patient protection in state legislatures
despite differences in how satisfied communities are with managed care.
In Boston, a community with extensive managed care experience and in which
perceptions of
quality are relatively high, the state legislative agenda on managed care
regulation is quite similar to
areas such as northern New Jersey, where consumer perceptions are not
nearly as favorable.
In employment-based insurance there is a clear trend toward more loosely
managed products, indicating consumer resistance to "true" managed care.
Point-of-service and preferred provider organization products, which cover
services to providers outside a network, are growing, while HMO products,
which are more restrictive, are not.
Products that modify gatekeeper requirements by providing direct access to
particular specialists, such as dermatologists, allergists and gynecologists,
or to all specialists within a network are being introduced rapidly. Health
plans are expanding mechanisms through which patients can appeal plan
decisions, often involving outside experts. Although some of these changes
are in response to legislation or the expectation of it, many are in
response to demands by customers-principally employers and employees.
Health plans and capitated providers contend that these changes are
contributing to cost increases and are leading them to push for premium
increases. A big question is how employers will respond. Will they pay
the extra costs? Will they pull back from the loosely managed products
in the face of more rapid increases in premiums? Or will they move
further in the direction of defined contribution mechanisms, where
employees decide how much choice and flexibility they are willing to
pay for?
"Putting real resources into ombudsmen or consumer assistance
programs, as well as timely and effective independent grievance
mechanisms, could help address the managed care backlash. This
could demystify managed care, and might help resolve problems at earlier
and less contentious stages."
Ronald F. Pollack, Families USA Foundation
Medicare
edicare is
increasingly becoming two programs-a traditional insurance
program administered by the federal government and a purchasing program
allowing beneficiaries to enroll in private health plans. The BBA widened
this split by broadening the range of private plans that could be offered
to beneficiaries and by beginning to diminish the extent to which payment
rates to private plans are based on experience in the traditional program.
The BBA lowered the average payment rate in relation to outlays in the
traditional program and reduced the extent of geographic variation in
payments to plans.
BBA provider payment cuts appear to have achieved more budget savings
than had been anticipated. Medicare outlays for fiscal year 1998
increased only 1.5 percent from the previous year, substantially
less than had been forecast. Early reports from the first two
quarters of fiscal year 1999 suggest that outlays actually declined,
which is unprecedented. Those health care organizations affected by
numerous BBA provisions-for example, academic health centers that
provide skilled nursing and home care services-appear to be at
particular risk for a sharp decline in their Medicare revenues.
Alongside efforts to get Congress to restore some of these cuts,
these organizations are likely to embark on major initiatives to
cut costs.
A lot of attention was given to the withdrawals of a number of
private plans from the Medicare
program. Reasons for withdrawal include BBA constraints on payment
rates, unexpected increases
in costs (especially for pharmaceuticals), increasing regulatory
burdens and uncertainty about future
payments. The stage of the insurance underwriting cycle probably
exacerbated the reaction on the part
of the plans. Although growth in enrollment in Medicare risk plans
still increased in 1998, it was only
a 16 percent increase, less than previous years. Publicity about the
withdrawals and the fact that some
continuing plans dropped or narrowed prescription drug benefits hurt
the image of managed care.
In many markets, private health plans in the Medicare program appear
to be grappling with a
difficult transitional problem. In those markets in which the Medicare
payment rate is high, plans have typically not charged enrollees a
premium. This has made the plans quite attractive because beneficiaries
in the traditional program either have much more substantial cost sharing
and more limited benefits or pay a substantial premium for Medigap coverage.
As Medicare payments are constrained, it becomes more difficult to earn a
profit without charging
a premium. Plans have dropped benefits and, in some cases, have even left
the market, rather than begin to charge a premium. This may be driven by
fears of risk selection-that having the only premium in
the market and having drug benefits will attract the sicker patients and
deter the healthier ones. The
inadequacy of current tools to pay plans more for enrolling sicker
beneficiaries is leading to a situation
in which products that consumers are most eager to buy (namely,
plans with drug benefits) are not
being offered. Perhaps the risk-adjustment enhancements scheduled
for implementation in 2000 will help in this regard.
Finally, the National Bipartisan Commission on Medicare Reform led
many to begin to think about key structural changes for Medicare.
Ideas receiving the most attention involve changing the relationship
between traditional Medicare and private plans. The commission chairs
developed a proposal in which traditional Medicare would compete with
private plans under a structure called premium support, which resembles
the Federal Employees Health Benefit Program. I think the proposed change
is likely
to be more limited than what both proponents and opponents imagine. As
under Medicare+Choice,
the future market share of private plans would depend on whether their
costs grow more slowly than those in the traditional Medicare program.
If cost growth was lower, the proposed premium support mechanism would
ensure that some of the savings would go to the Medicare trust funds.
"While the rhetoric of the 1997 Balanced Budget Act is more competition, more managed care,
the dominant reality is lower payments to providers, lower payments to health plans."
Peter Kemper, HSC and a commissioner of the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission
Conflicting Pressures Ahead
ealth care leaders will be called upon to cope with some key, conflicting
pressures in coming years. The work of the President's quality commission
and others has highlighted how varied
the quality of care is across all health care sectors. This has given us a
better understanding of the tremendous effort and investment it will take
to improve quality-the use of evidence-based
medicine and system approaches to reduce treatment errors. Much of this,
especially the latter,
has the potential to reduce costs as well.
But at a time when organizations need to be seeking to meet these laudable
quality objectives by experimenting with mechanisms to more effectively
organize the delivery of care, rising costs and purchaser resistance to
premium increases are making efforts to innovate more difficult. At the
same time, the public feels that care has been managed too tightly.
Consumers' desire for more choice and autonomy is often in conflict
with the efforts of the best plans and integrated delivery systems to
improve quality and reduce costs. Meanwhile, the number of uninsured
is growing. Public and
private decision makers will need both skill and luck to navigate these
turbulent waters.
Paul B. Ginsburg, HSC president
I am grateful to Charles Buck, Lawrence Casalino, Alan Hoops, J.D. Kleinke, Ronald Pollack,
Kenneth Thorpe and Gail Wilensky for valuable discussions. My colleagues at HSC-Joy Grossman,
Peter Kemper and, especially, Ann Greiner and Cara Lesser-provided excellent advice and comment.
None of these individuals is responsible for the views stated, which are my own.
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